
Qbone
@Qbone
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The United States and India may be allies but they have different views on the pressure Washington is exerting on New Delhi to stand on its side by voting for Iran's referral to the United Nations Security Council at next week's meeting of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
America Keeps Its Word?
And when America gives its word,
America keeps its word."
? G. W. Bush
(Source: The Whitehouse)
The Americans have warned India that its nuclear deal signed during Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's last trip to Washington
will die in Congress if it doesn't back the US on Iran. From India's perspective that's bare-knuckle diplomacy at its worst. From the US vantage point this is merely a test of friendship between the two democracies.
If India were to follow its past patterns of conducting an independent foreign policy, it would be unlikely to take too kindly to such threats. But India's practitioners of realpolitik have claimed for about the past five years that, being two democracies, India and the United States are "natural allies". That aside, the next few weeks are crucial in terms of testing this bare-knuckle diplomacy and India's natural predilection to follow its vital national interests free of external pressures.
The history of US-India relations during the Cold War may be described as a hard-nosed practice of independent foreign policy on the part of India, or so claimed the mandarins of Indian foreign policy. From America's perspectives, that alleged independence was blatantly pro-Soviet (and biased against the US). But India's response was that in heady matters of foreign policy, Moscow, more often than not, stood by New Delhi, while Washington either hedged its bets or sided with Pakistan. Both sides are partially right in their respective claims.
That might be ancient history. Then again, it might not be ancient after all.
US Ambassador to India David Mulford has stated that the United States is eagerly seeking India's support when the IAEA meets to discuss Iran's nuclear-research program. If India takes the position that Iran should not have nuclear weapons, he said, "We think they should record it in the vote."
By itself that statement would not have been half as bad if Mulford did not add that that US-India nuclear deal would "die in Congress" if leaders in New Delhi were to vote against referring Iran to the UN at the meeting next Thursday.
The US-India nuclear deal was reached when Manmohan visited Washington in July. The United States agreed to share advanced civilian nuclear technology with India, thereby lifting sanctions that were imposed on the country in the aftermath of its nuclear test in May 1998. An important aspect of the deal was that it had to be approved by the US Congress, which has always been suspicious of India's intentions regarding the nuclear issue.
More to the point, as a matter of general practice on issues of international trade, and especially regarding nuclear non-proliferation, US legislators are known to set standards of "good" or "credible" behavior involving sovereign nations, a practice regarded by these countries as obnoxious, or even offensive. China felt that way when its oil company CNOOC (China National Offshore Oil Corp) offered to buy Unocal for US $ 18.5 billion late last year. The US Congress ultimately passed legislation declaring the retention of Unocal as a matter of "national security". In response, CNOOC decided to back out of that deal.
One wonders whether Washington paid much attention to the controversy the US-India nuclear deal created in New Delhi. The Manmohan government came under intense criticism from the communist parties for its alleged subservience to Washington an